Dr. Bassam Abu Abdullah – December 6, 2025
Recent Poll: Syrians today want: security and services first; a strong but non-repressive state; an open and effective economy; justice without revenge; and a unifying national identity above all sub-identities.
One year after the fall of the former regime, debate continues to rage over what Syrians truly want, as many voices attempt to monopolize the truth—between cheerleaders repeating hollow slogans, political factions obsessed with scoring points, and promoters of narratives that bear little resemblance to what people actually feel in the streets, homes, and camps. Yet on December 5, 2025, Foreign Affairs, the renowned American journal, published one of the most important recent studies on Syrian public opinion titled: “What Syrians Want”.
It was based on the first large-scale survey conducted inside the country after the transition by the Arab Barometer, authored by researchers Salma Al-Shami and Michael Robbins. These data reflect, for the first time in many years, an authentic voice of Syrians—far from noise, propaganda, and slogans such as “he who liberates decides” or “Damascus is ours until the end of time.” The picture revealed is entirely different from the one painted by political and media cheerleaders.
First – The survey indicates that 80% of Syrians rank security and services as their top priorities, ahead of any political or constitutional discussion. Citizens want a state that stops chaos, controls weapons, combats crime, and restores electricity, water, healthcare, and education. Syrians seek a state that works, not a state that simply lectures. They want daily stability and predictability after years of fear, disruption, and uncertainty.
Second – Despite the need for a strong state, 72% of Syrians reject a return to one-man rule or to the old security apparatus. People want state strength—but bound by the rule of law and societal oversight, not by permanent emergency laws. They want professional institutions and a clear presidency, but without domination or authoritarianism. The model Syrians are calling for is a strong state, not a brutal one.
Third – The survey shows that Syrians have become more pragmatic in economic matters. About 56% support economic openness and foreign investment, and most believe the private sector can accelerate reconstruction more effectively than a public sector associated in collective memory with corruption and patronage. Syrians want concrete solutions and expect visible improvements in their livelihoods within months, not years of waiting under broad economic slogans.
Fourth – Syrians demand justice, but without sliding into revenge or settling scores. The findings reveal clear support for gradual transitional justice, based on truth-telling, institutional reform, and disciplined accountability. What matters to people is that justice helps build a new state, not open the door to a new round of conflict or social fragmentation.
Fifth – The data show that Syrian national identity is resurging, with three-quarters of Syrians identifying first and foremost as “Syrians,” not as members of sects or ethnic groups. A majority rejects sectarian or ethnic quota systems and rejects projects of partition or the re-creation of narrow identities. Syrians want a national civic state that respects diversity but does not allow it to become a political weapon for any party.
Sixth – The numbers reveal a major deficit of trust between citizens and state institutions—old and new alike. Syrians want transparency, anti-corruption efforts, professional institutions, and officials who understand the meaning of public service. This lack of trust is the biggest challenge for any transitional government, and rebuilding it requires real performance, not speeches or promises.
Seventh – The survey shows that Syrian expectations today far exceed the current capacity of the state. People want rapid results in security, the economy, and daily life. Any government that fails to deliver tangible improvements will lose its popular support more quickly than ever, especially after years of disappointment.
Eighth – A comprehensive reading of the data shows that Syrians have moved beyond the atmosphere of incitement, sub-identity conflicts, and toxic sectarian campaigns fueled by years of war. They seek a shared future and a unifying national state, and they reject the language of crushing, exclusion, and polarization that many tried to preserve because it was their only source of power.
Ninth – Finally, the study—published in Foreign Affairs, one of the world’s leading intellectual platforms—tells us clearly that Syrians today want: security and services first; a strong but non-repressive state; an open and effective economy; justice without revenge; and a unifying national identity above all sub-identities. Syrians have spoken clearly, breaking the monopoly long exercised by extremists, partisans, and propagandists.
The question remains: Will the political elites and the transitional government be able to read this message as it is—away from noise, impulses, and the polarization that has destroyed the country? Syrians are looking to the future and want to build a state capable of uniting them, not reproducing a past of division. The responsibility now rests on everyone to prove they are worthy of this historic moment.
